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Resistance: An Indigenous Response to Neoliberalism is a collection of papers from Maori academics, activists and leaders on the connection between global practices of neoliberalism and the diverse forms of Maori resistance that aim to destablize them.Aotearoa is one of the world leaders of neoliberalism. Successive New Zealand governments since 1984 have pursued neoliberal policies with a faith, vehemence and confidence in their success that few other governments appear to possess. At a time when 'capital flows across borders as it has never done before, and multinational companies have bigger budgets than many states have ever had', this book encourages people to look more closely at Maori views as integral and inspiring in a globalizing world.
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"Nga Tai Matatu: Tides of Maori Endurance describes and analyses the position of the Maori people and Maori interests at the start of the third millennium. It also recognises the journeys from the past and makes projections into the future. The book builds on the highly successful Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination but also introduces new issues and canvasses recent developments that have influenced Maori lives and Maori resources. Development is an ongoing process that has distant beginnings and no real ending. That sense of eternity is reflected in the Maori title; like the changing nature of the tide, Maori fortunes also change."
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"Nga Tai Matatu: Tides of Maori Endurance describes and analyses the position of the Maori people and Maori interests at the start of the third millennium. It also recognises the journeys from the past and makes projections into the future. The book builds on the highly successful Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination but also introduces new issues and canvasses recent developments that have influenced Maori lives and Maori resources. Development is an ongoing process that has distant beginnings and no real ending. That sense of eternity is reflected in the Maori title; like the changing nature of the tide, Maori fortunes also change."
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"Nga Tai Matatu: Tides of Maori Endurance describes and analyses the position of the Maori people and Maori interests at the start of the third millennium. It also recognises the journeys from the past and makes projections into the future. The book builds on the highly successful Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination but also introduces new issues and canvasses recent developments that have influenced Maori lives and Maori resources. Development is an ongoing process that has distant beginnings and no real ending. That sense of eternity is reflected in the Maori title; like the changing nature of the tide, Maori fortunes also change."
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Mōteatea are the orally sung literature and one of its most famous composers was Ngāti Tuwharetoa and Ngāti Maniapoto’s Puhiwahine. This paper will explore the political philosophy and theory contained within Puhiwahine’s waiata pakanga (war song) ‘Mā Wai Rā’ written for Ngāti Toa relations particularly their war leader, Te Rangihaeata. The observations from these forms of indigenous oral literature are based in a form of emerging indigenous philosophy called whakaaro based philosophy and method. Additionally, the author introduces a Kaupapa Māori Research method Marae ā-Rorohiko which outlines how social media, in particular Facebook, can be used as a form of group validity or qualitative data gathering. The analysis of the moteatea will focus on building a first person understanding of Māori philosophy and undestandings of mōteatea settler colonialism, colonisation and the centrality of mana and aroha in Māori society. It will reveal the that Puhiwahine had a deep understanding of Māori philosophy and what was to come from her people. It will also provide new understandings around the white possessive doctrine and mana motuhake.
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Internationally, declining voter turnout is a topic of considerable concern in many liberal democracies. In this article, we investigate whether these similar trends can be discerned in the voter turnout for Māori governance entities. We first explore some of the demographic contexts within which Māori governance entities operate with a specific focus on population, residence, and age. We then provide a detailed descriptive analysis of voting data from one particular entity: Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Awa, with whom we worked to understand how their elections inform their aspirations for continuing connectedness with tribal members. In the final section of the article, we present findings from an analysis of publicly available tribal voting data to see whether the trend of declining voter turnout is observable and whether online voting is shown to impact turnout.
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This article shares lessons for spatial governance in Aotearoa New Zealand in the context of the Treaty of Waitangi. It reports on research into co-creation pathways that supported bicultural spatial governance inclusive of whānau and local communities in the Waimakariri and Rotorua Districts. In alignment with three Treaty principles, local tikanga, unique to the two places, informed the methodological framework for bicultural spatial governance. Despite some commonalities, the two case studies reveal distinctive perspectives that resonate differently across Aotearoa New Zealand, underscoring the importance of co-creation for biculturalism. We consider the implications for biculturalism across a range of spatial contexts and for debates about decolonising governance.
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'We have always owned the water . . . we have never ceded our mana over the river to anyone', King Tuheitia Paki asserted in 2012. Prime Minister John Key disagreed: ‘King Tuheitia's claim that Maori have always owned New Zealand's water is just plain wrong'. So who does own the water in New Zealand – if anyone – and why does it matter? Offering some human context around that fraught question, Tupuna Awa looks at the people and politics of the Waikato River. For iwi and hapu of the lands that border its 425-kilometre length, the Waikato River is an ancestor, a taonga and a source of mauri, lying at the heart of identity and chiefly power. It is also subject to governing oversight by the Crown and intersected by hydro-stations managed by state-owned power companies: a situation rife with complexity and subject to shifting and subtle power dynamics. Marama Muru-Lanning explains how Maori of the region, the Crown and Mighty River Power have talked about the ownership, guardianship and stakeholders of the river. By examining the debates over water in one New Zealand river, over a single recent period, Muru-Lanning provides a powerful lens through which to view modern iwi politics, debates over water ownership, and contests for power between Maori and the state.
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The period 1995 to 2004 was the UN's International Decade of World Indigenous Peoples. This reflected the increasing organisation of indigenous peoples around a commonality of concerns, needs and ambitions. In both New Zealand and Canada, these politics challenge the colonial structures that social and political systems are built upon.
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All peoples develop their own academic traditions: philosophies grounded in their experiences over successive generations, and theories for growing knowledge and wisdom. Mātauranga Māori (mātauranga) is the Indigenous knowledge system of these lands. It is dynamic, innovative and generative. The mātauranga continuum is the knowledge accumulated through this system. Government policies and systems have marginalised mātauranga and prioritised Western science, and the past 100 years have seen a slowing in the expansion of the mātauranga continuum. Unless the survival of mātauranga is prioritised, it will cease to flourish. Māori have discussed and written extensively about the ongoing impact of colonisation on mātauranga and tikanga Māori. This paper builds on those discussions, arguing for tino rangatiratanga, including Māori ownership of mātauranga, fulfilment of the government's obligations to Māori, and the reinstitution of mātauranga as a primary knowledge system in Aotearoa. It explains why mātauranga revitalisation is important and outlines some of the steps towards this goal. We are calling for Western academics to support mātauranga revitalisation, with the vision of two functional knowledge systems operating that are unique to New Zealand.
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In the heart of the North Island of New Zealand lies the mountainous territory ofTe Urewera, the spiritual homeland of the Tahoe people. Hidden away in the southern portion of Te Urewera is Waikaremoana - The Sea of Rippling Waters, a lake and a land with a history and tradition that are as fascinating as they are controversial. Waikaremoana is the footstool of the Ngati Ruapani section of Tahoe. This paper begins with a brief discussion of the landscape of Waikaremoana and its early tribal traditions. A systematic analysis ofthe social, political and economic effects of land alienation upon the tangata whenua of the Waikaremoana area is applied. The effects of Crown policies for Maori land, last century, and how the process was replicated throughout Aotearoa is assessed.
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The signficance of the Treaty of Waitangi lies in the unique relationship which it established between Maori and the Crown, a relationship represented by the rangatiratanga sovereignty equation. Trusteeship IS a key component of the equation and implies a willingness by the Crown to honour Treaty obligations and a capacity to do so. As well it has implications for tribes undertaking to act on behalf of Maori beneficiaries. In exercising those responsibilities, and despite changes which have substantially altered Maori society, the focus remains on tribes, iwi and hapil, as the continuing manifestations ofrangatiratanga. There is a revived trend towards whakapapa as a marker of identity and the consolidation of land interests as a counter to individualism and weakening of kinship ties. Consultation between Treaty partners is a key issue but has not always been handled well, either by the Crown or even by Maori bodies whose influence is at a national rather than tribal level. Ngati Whatua interest in surplus Crown properties is an example of confused and inadequate consultation. But the relationship between rangatiratanga and the Crown is also susceptible to market forces, democratic processes, local government and the force of Jaw. Despite that, both the Waitangi Tribunal and the Courts have demonstrated an ability to enforce the principle of partnership and hence to actively intervene in the rangatiratanga sovereignty equation.
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Although there is no single meaning oftino rangatiratanga, self determination is the most frequently used English equivalent. Even then a variety ofmeanings can be assumed. Two particular aspects oftino rangatiratanga, however, are relevant to contemporaryMaori society: mana whenua and mana tangata. The first acknowledges the rights ofhapii and iwi in respect oftheir own tribal affairs while the second recognises the right of Maori people generally to organise according to a range ofsocial and political groupings. Tino rangatiratanga is essentially about Maori policy being developed by Maori and Maori assuming responsibility for Maori affairs at tribal and national levels. But the absence of a national Maori bodypolitic which can bring together all elements is a barrier to the realisation of tino rangatiratanga. There is in fact aconsiderable enthusiasm for a representative policy-making body and a number of models exist. Discussion about the relative advantages is needed so that a consensus about the most useful approach can emerge. Negotiation with the Govemmentto reconsiderNew Zealand's constitutional arrangements will then be able to occur on the basis ofa unifiedMaori approach. In that debate the appropriateness of the dogma of unitary Crown sovereignty in apost-colonial environment will almost certainly be challenged.
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This brief paper questions the nature of biculturalism that has developed in Aotearoa/New Zealand, namely that contested around a dualistic and antagonistic politics of either Maori or Pakeha. This paper joins a growing call for a reconceptualisation of bicultural politics in Aotearoa/New Zealand that draws on an inclusionary and multifaceted identity politics (Reilly, 1996; McClean, 1997; Spoonley, 1997). What is required is a revised approach that accounts for Maori/Pakeha relations where there are multiple subject-positions, affinities and differences continually at play through ongoing interaction and exchange. The paper argues the need for this conceptualisation to take place in an alternative space that blurs the limitations of boundaries and engenders new possibilities. I examine Homi Bhabha's notions of hybridity and the third space. I offer some introductory comment as to what these concepts might offer for a project concerned with the redesign of laws and institutions for a bicultural Aotearoa/New Zealand.
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