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A revised edition of the best-selling book containing two new chapters covering the last decade and a half. 'The struggle without end continues...' This is a revised edition of Dr Ranginui Walker's best-selling history of Aotearoa, New Zealand, from a Maori perspective. Since the mid-nineteenth century, Maori have been involved in an endless struggle for justice, equality and self-determination. In this book Dr Walker provides a uniquely Maori view, not only of the events of the past two centuries but beyond to the very origins of Maori people. In this updated edition Dr Walker has added new chapters covering the years of 1990, the flowering of the Maori culture and the growth of Maori political and economic power. Recent issues such as the foreshore and seabed legislation, the hikoi and Don Brash's Orewa speech are discussed.
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To standardise the use of a single factor measure of cultural identity based on the cultural indicators developed by Te Hoe Nuku Roa (1996). The single measure of cultural identity proposed in this paper was supported by statistics drawn from a longitudinal study of Maori households, Te Hoe Nuku Roa (n = 650). The measure of cultural identity displayed a normal distribution with a theoretical range of 0 to 18 (where a higher score is consistent with a more secure identity), a mean of 11, and a SD of 2. 7. The measure is expected to be particularly useful in understanding Maori cultural identity within a statistical framework.
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In December 2002 a new Local Government Act was passed into statute. Much of the literature, submissions, articles and commentaries leading up to the passing of the Act indicated that a new Act had to clarify the relationships and obligations between local government, the Crown, Maori and the Treaty of Waitangi. In this paper I argue that the new Act has not adequately clarified these relationships and obligations, and that there are particular reasons and consequences arising from this situation. The reasons surround denials from local government that they are the Crown and central government's vested interest in allowing slippage to continue. If we examine the example of the General Agreement on Trade in Services we can see that a failure to clarify the relationships may have detrimental consequences for Maori to protect their rights.
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Biodiversity is about existence and well-being based on protecting the variety of earth's life forms. Although natural processes can cause species depletion and extinction, the prime cause in the last 100 years has been human activity. Internationally, everyone has a responsibility to sustain biodiversity and maintain the widest genetic pool of biological wealth for future generations. In New Zealand, Maori have a unique role to play in sustaining indigenous biodiversity, not only in terms of kaitiakitanga but in achieving national biodiversity goals through the provision of another cultural perspective, another knowledge system, which will help plans for the future. Traditional concepts and perspectives are summarised. A research framework is proposed to show the role biodiversity could have for Maori advancement and to underpin a bicultural approach for achieving national biodiversity outcomes.
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Hikoi is a photographic history of Maori protest - the public face, the rationale, the organisation and the toil behind the scenes. The images and accompanying text tell the story of protests that were turning points: Springbok Tour demonstrations and Raglan, Bastion Point and Waitangi, the Tent Embassy at Parliament in 1972, the Maori Land March 1975 and Hikoi 2004. Hikoi gives a glimpse of some of the hard-earned fruits of those protests: some traditional lands returned to Maori, the Waitangi Tribunal established, te reo Maori made an official language, Maori medium education and Maori media.
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Governments in multicultural democracies are increasingly being challenged to justify the collection of ethnic and racial data, and the targeted policies they support. Given mounting opposition to ethnicbased policies in New Zealand, it is timely to consider two questions that have arisen from ongoing debate. The first is what criteria ought to apply to determine who is Māori for policy purposes. The second is which Mäori ought to benefit from targeted policies and programmes. This paper addresses both questions empirically and makes two suggestions: (1) that statistical and legal definitions of Māori be amended to take account of both self-identified ethnicity and descent; (2) that programmes which seek to militate Māori disadvantage be oriented towards those who strongly identify as Māori, since they are the most likely to be in need.
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