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In Aotearoa New Zealand the ways in which indigenous claims to lands and waters are addressed are often looked to as good, or even best, practice by indigenous peoples around the world. While things are far from perfect, in recent decades Maori have succeeded in changing perceptions about the Treaty of Waitangi as the foundation of the nation, and work steadily continues on settling outstanding Treaty claims. The resulting Treaty of Waitangi settlements are negotiated arrangements which aim to remove a sense of historical grievance and achieve significant rebuilding of the Maori economy. They are seen by some as dynamic and powerful steps towards economic independence, as a means of recognising special relationships to lands and waters, and a necessary prerequisite to improved relationships between the state and the indigenous Maori in the future. ¹ Critics see the settlements and the processes followed to reach them as too heavily weighted in the government's favour. ² They argue that the settlements do not sufficiently compensate for actual losses. They are said to pit Maori against Maori. Diverse claimant groups are effectively forced to negotiate within standardised and fixed parameters. For these and other reasons, the settlement agreements, policies and processes have been labelled as divisive and compromising self-determination.
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The latest Maori Electoral Option (MEO) resulted in a seventh Maori seat in Parliament contested in the recent election. Over a four-month period in 2001, 18,738 Maori exercised their Option to shift electoral rolls - three-quarters of them moving from the General roll to the Maori roll. This paper looks at the latest Option and its effectiveness as a communication campaign. The MEO is controversial because many New Zealanders are divided about the democratic fairness of separate Maori seats. The spectre of a dozen Maori electorates, if all Maori join the Maori roll, is unnerving to opponents who concentrate their fire upon the cost and conduct of the campaign. The MEO challenges traditional assumptions about objective political communication. The Option pioneered a systemized method of kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face) communication. Developed by Maori for Maori, the model has been used in other government communication campaigns but remains controversial because of the lack of centralised control over the delivered message and the difficulty of measuring the campaign’s success. This paper explores the issues surrounding its methods and effectiveness.
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New Zealand was one of a handful of countries that held a national election in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic.
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