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Maori aspirations for self-determination are tied to Article Two of the Treaty ofWaitangi which guarantees the tribes "the full and exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands Forests Fisheries and other properties so long as it is their desire to do so". Article Two provides the base with which to exercise control over economic resources which then provides the means, politically, culturally, economically and socially to determine Maori affairs. To have limited self-determining authority, Maori tribes need not only an economic base, but also an improved standing socio-economically. This paper will assess whether preferential policies based on redistributive justice are an appropriate means to help overcome inequalities between Maori and non-Maori.
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Maori Affairs policy has historically proven doubleedged in simultaneously advancing yet diminishing Maori aspirations. Recent emphasis on claims-making as a key policy component is shown to be fraught with contradiction and neo-colonisms, no more so than around the ambiguous benefits of 'throwing money' at a problem rather than working through the differences in a relationship. Proposed instead of a claims-making model of Maori Affairs is a constructive engagement approach that seeks to recalibrate Maori-Crown relations by advancing innovative patterns of belonging. A commitment to constructive engagement not only bolsters the chances of living together with our fundamental differences in a post -colonising Aotearoa. A focus on relations rather than restitution also enhances the principles and practices of tino rangatiratanga rights as a framework for establishing Maori models of self-determination over jurisdictions pertaining to land, identity, and political voice.
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This paper explores the theoretical perspective of a Maori world view as it relates to power relations between men and women and the role of women in customary society. It is argued that insights regarding the nature of power relations may be gained from an analysis of the cosmological narratives. Such analysis provide theoretical understandings about the position, status and role of Maori women in customary society. The position of women as powerful, autonomous, independent beings and as bearers of knowledge are recurring themes that continue to have relevance today. Definitions of mana wahine and mana whenua are discussed drawing extensively on an analysis of the cosmological narratives. This provides the basis for a discussion on the development of Maori Women's theories. It is concluded that mana wahine expresses what counts as feminism for Maori women and that western feminisms do not adequately address the needs of Maori women. Finally, some comparative perspectives with indigenous women from Australia and North America are outlined.
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The genesis of direct negotiation and the fiscal envelope, for the settlement of Maori land claims under the Treaty of Waitangi, is portended in the aim of the National Party's Manifesto for the 1990 election to settle all claims by the year 2,000. To meet that ten year time-line, the National Government decided to set aside a fixed sum for the settlement of all claims. This fiscal cap was signalled in the (Sealords) Deed of Settlement for the Maori Fisheries Claim as the Treaty of Waitangi Settlement Fund. Under this clause, the signatories to the Deed agreed that the Crown had fiscal constraints which restricted its ability to settle other claims. In a memorandum dated 17 March 1992, Doug Graham, Minister in charge of Treaty Claims, recommended to the Cabinet Strategy Committee the policy direct negotiation to settle Maori claims that were well founded. This policy of 'chiefs talking with chiefs' obviates the need for claimants to go through the drawn out process of hearings with the Waitangi Tribunal. It is a seductive scenario which assumes a level playing field between the Crown and tribal negotiators. But it is hardly that as the Whakatahea negotiators discovered after the settlement of the Tainui Claim in 1995.
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This research focuses on the period 1830 to 1992 and is a descriptive account as well as an analysis of Ngati Piritai interaction with Pakeha over that time. This thesis details a history of struggle for control over the legitimacy and validity of the Ngati Piritai cultural imperative within a social context characterised by dominant Pakeha and subordinate Maori relations. It draws upon a range of sources and brings together the experiences of an historical sampling of Ngati Piritai whanau members covering a six generation framework of Maori - Pakeha interactions. An examination of Pakeha efforts to establish hegemonies of colonisation over Maori through educational indices is made using the critical frameworks of educational theorists such as Giroux, Bernstein, Bourdieu, Gibson, Apple, Marcuse, Shuker, and Dale. Conversely Maori efforts to maintain their cultural identity and their culture, 'per se', through counter hegemonic processes such as the control over educational frameworks are also examined. For example the control over knowledge and how such control relates to enhancing social mobility, attaining outcomes of social justice, and delivering more equitable educational outcomes are also explored. A major argument is that Maori - Pakeha inter-relations can be more clearly understood through a critical appreciation of the fundamental opposition; a Pakeha imperative for cultural dominance: assimilation on the one hand, and a Maori imperative for cultural recognition: survival, on the other. Of significance are the ways in which the dialectic between these fundamental oppositions are mediated and transformed by Ngati Piritai as they live out their lives in a societal context of contested power relations.
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