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This research examines the settler colonial legacy of Aotearoa New Zealand. It shows that biculturalism has emerged as a discursive byproduct of neoliberalism and settler colonialism. Simon’s recent work and the Te Paparahi o Te Raki Waitangi Tribunal decision aligns with the view of a significant paradigm shift since biculturalism suppresses affirmation of and mana motuhake. Biculturalism can be viewed through Moreton-Robinson’s white possessive lens as well as Beck's zombie concepts, which are used to prop up deteriorating and/or fictional social institutions. As a zombie concept in Aotearoa New Zealand, “biculturalism” supports settler/invader power structures. Indigenous communities disproportionately experience the destructive consequences of neoliberal policies and statecraft. Aotearoa New Zealand’s collective future requires abandoning biculturalism; to that end the author recommends revising common historiographic thought concerning Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) and the concept of “settling”.

Internationally, declining voter turnout is a topic of considerable concern in many liberal democracies. In this article, we investigate whether these similar trends can be discerned in the voter turnout for Māori governance entities. We first explore some of the demographic contexts within which Māori governance entities operate with a specific focus on population, residence, and age. We then provide a detailed descriptive analysis of voting data from one particular entity: Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Awa, with whom we worked to understand how their elections inform their aspirations for continuing connectedness with tribal members. In the final section of the article, we present findings from an analysis of publicly available tribal voting data to see whether the trend of declining voter turnout is observable and whether online voting is shown to impact turnout.

This article shares lessons for spatial governance in Aotearoa New Zealand in the context of the Treaty of Waitangi. It reports on research into co-creation pathways that supported bicultural spatial governance inclusive of whānau and local communities in the Waimakariri and Rotorua Districts. In alignment with three Treaty principles, local tikanga, unique to the two places, informed the methodological framework for bicultural spatial governance. Despite some commonalities, the two case studies reveal distinctive perspectives that resonate differently across Aotearoa New Zealand, underscoring the importance of co-creation for biculturalism. We consider the implications for biculturalism across a range of spatial contexts and for debates about decolonising governance.

If wilderness is dead, do wild rivers exist and if so, in what form and in whose construction? This reflective article reviews perspectives on rivers in Aotearoa New Zealand as wild or tamed entities. A historical overview of the socio-cultural and institutional relationships with rivers examines the meanings of rivers in Aotearoa New Zealand through multiple lenses. This includes indigenous Māori knowledge, command-and-control mentalities of a settler society that assert human authority over rivers, the emergence of the environmental movement and associated legislation with a sustainability focus (the Resource Management Act), and recent movement towards co-governance arrangements that incorporate the original intent of Te Tiriti o Waitangi (1840). It is contended that management practices have disconnected society from rivers, and vice versa, creating a sense of environmental loss (solastalgia), especially for Māori. Using rivers in the Greater Wellington Region as examples, prospects to accommodate wild river behaviour in Aotearoa New Zealand are explored. Recognising that re-wilding is no longer a feasible option in most instances, further attempts to tame rivers are also considered to be unrealistic, especially in light of climate change and accentuated flood risk. Reconnecting with indigenous knowledge offers prospects to re-imagine wild rivers in Aotearoa, living generatively with rivers as dynamic and emergent entities.

The Treaty of Waitangi forms the underlying foundation of the Crown–Māori relationship with regard to freshwater resources in Āotearoa-New Zealand. While there is no “one” Māori world view, there are principles and values that establish and reinforce whānau, hapū, rūnanga and iwi identity, and their responsibilities and rights to manage and use natural resources, including lakes. Lake restoration approaches that are grounded in tikanga Māori and Māori values and perspectives, and are co-designed to be responsive to the needs and aspirations of Māori, will ensure that outcomes are useful and of benefit to the participating indigenous community. The resulting outcomes are more likely to strengthen and add value to existing community initiatives, thus increasing efficiencies when capacity and capability across different expertise is in demand. This requires a commitment (by agencies and funders) to move beyond conventional understandings of who is “qualified” to engage in lake research and restoration initiatives. While hapū, rūnanga and iwi undoubtedly benefit from having their members qualify by being active participants in lake research and restoration efforts, in this chapter we emphasise the need for a more holistic approach that recognises and empowers whānau to engage as co-governors, co-leaders, researchers, as knowledge holders and as teachers. A truly collaborative lake restoration programme will provide multiple roles for Māori, including the development and implementation of monitoring and evaluation approaches.

'We have always owned the water . . . we have never ceded our mana over the river to anyone', King Tuheitia Paki asserted in 2012. Prime Minister John Key disagreed: ‘King Tuheitia's claim that Maori have always owned New Zealand's water is just plain wrong'. So who does own the water in New Zealand – if anyone – and why does it matter? Offering some human context around that fraught question, Tupuna Awa looks at the people and politics of the Waikato River. For iwi and hapu of the lands that border its 425-kilometre length, the Waikato River is an ancestor, a taonga and a source of mauri, lying at the heart of identity and chiefly power. It is also subject to governing oversight by the Crown and intersected by hydro-stations managed by state-owned power companies: a situation rife with complexity and subject to shifting and subtle power dynamics. Marama Muru-Lanning explains how Maori of the region, the Crown and Mighty River Power have talked about the ownership, guardianship and stakeholders of the river. By examining the debates over water in one New Zealand river, over a single recent period, Muru-Lanning provides a powerful lens through which to view modern iwi politics, debates over water ownership, and contests for power between Maori and the state.

"Documenting the early days of the Rapaki Maori Women's Welfare League, this recollection strives to authenticate the oral histories of the early members that created the opportunity for Maori and Pakeha women to meet and trade skills. As membership of the branch changes, fewer and fewer people can speak with authority on the league's evolution, but this history chronicles the available facts and anecdotes that demonstrate the development of this important union."

The period 1995 to 2004 was the UN's International Decade of World Indigenous Peoples. This reflected the increasing organisation of indigenous peoples around a commonality of concerns, needs and ambitions. In both New Zealand and Canada, these politics challenge the colonial structures that social and political systems are built upon.