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Developed during a time of dramatic global upheavals and transformations, The New Imperial Order is concerned with the political economy of world order and the ontologies of being upon which the emergent global order is predicated. Positioned from a Maori perspective and contextualized within the international political and juridical framework, this book examines the political and juridical ontologies that shaped the development of international law and the world order of nation states. In engaging with these issues across macro and micro levels, the book identifies the nation state and new forms of regionalism as sites for the reshaping of the global politico/economic order and the re-emergence of Empire. Stewart-Harawira also tracks the role of education and the reconstruction of sovereign indigenous nations into dependent populations in the development of world order, and the profound impact of indigenous peoples’ proactive global and local responses in the reshaping of international law. In this work, the problematics of globalization are made visible through the privatization of services, the restructuring and commodification of knowledge and the creation of new categories of the dispossessed. Overarching these issues is a new form of global domination in which the connecting roles of militarism and the economy, and the increase in technologies of surveillance and control have acquired overt significance. In the first chapter of the book, the author identifies ontological and cosmological principles that are shared by many indigenous peoples as key signifiers of an alternative framework for socio/politico/economic order. In the final chapter she draws these principles together within the context of the fragmentation and integration which characterize the globalizing process, and proffers them as central to the revisioning of a transformed global order.

How is it that the New Zealand government’s process for re-establishing Indigenous fishing rights has failed to deliver thriving Māori fisheries? This paper examines why, at Te Waihora, a coastal lake, and site of one of the nation’s longest running and best-funded state-Māori co-governance agreements, Māori fishers have been unable to use their rights to support their fishery. As of 2018, the lake’s culturally and ecologically significant eel population was no longer commercially viable, a decline fishers have attributed to rampant dairy industry expansion upstream. Drawing on environmental justice literatures, we deploy a multi-dimensional framework to identify factors shaping possibilities for justice in the wake of rights reconciliation, as experienced by Māori fishers, scientists, and leaders. We engage theories of political economic relations to interpret the implications of these experiences for environmental justice theory and politics. Ethnographic accounts demonstrate that the New Zealand government’s process for re-establishing Māori rights falls short of achieving distributional, procedural, and recognition-based dimensions of environmental justice, and that these effects are interlinked. In particular: (i) downstream fishers are placed to bear disproportionate costs of runoff from upstream land use change; (ii) Māori fishers have little influence over governance decisions that affect land use; and (iii) government claims, including that Māori should, “move beyond grievance mode,” obscure logics for resistance. We suggest that the government’s support for dairy industry expansion represents an attempt to mitigate crises of overaccumulation, characteristic of competitive markets. Unlike those who identify persistent injustice as a logic for turning away from the state, we argue that the recurring nature of these crises, and the role state organizations play in directing responses, indicates a rationale for continued engagement with state governing bodies to advance justice.

All peoples develop their own academic traditions: philosophies grounded in their experiences over successive generations, and theories for growing knowledge and wisdom. Mātauranga Māori (mātauranga) is the Indigenous knowledge system of these lands. It is dynamic, innovative and generative. The mātauranga continuum is the knowledge accumulated through this system. Government policies and systems have marginalised mātauranga and prioritised Western science, and the past 100 years have seen a slowing in the expansion of the mātauranga continuum. Unless the survival of mātauranga is prioritised, it will cease to flourish. Māori have discussed and written extensively about the ongoing impact of colonisation on mātauranga and tikanga Māori. This paper builds on those discussions, arguing for tino rangatiratanga, including Māori ownership of mātauranga, fulfilment of the government's obligations to Māori, and the reinstitution of mātauranga as a primary knowledge system in Aotearoa. It explains why mātauranga revitalisation is important and outlines some of the steps towards this goal. We are calling for Western academics to support mātauranga revitalisation, with the vision of two functional knowledge systems operating that are unique to New Zealand.

This editorial introduction outlines the political and intellectual territory for a Special Issue on Tikanga rua: bicultural spatial governance in Aotearoa New Zealand. The term ‘spatial governance’ refers to deliberative systems with an impact on social and spatial outcomes, including environmental management, town planning, urban design and city-making. Authentic tikanga rua bicultural spatial governance delivers processes and outcomes aligned with the perspectives, values and knowledge of both tangata whenua (people of the land) and tangata Tiriti (people of the Treaty). The research discussed in the Special Issue traverses multiple geographies and contexts and demonstrates the manifold possibilities for biculturalism in contemporary spatial governance. This introduction summarises the contents of each of the substantive papers and provides a Māori-English glossary to assist readers with the key terms used within the issue.

In the heart of the North Island of New Zealand lies the mountainous territory ofTe Urewera, the spiritual homeland of the Tahoe people. Hidden away in the southern portion of Te Urewera is Waikaremoana - The Sea of Rippling Waters, a lake and a land with a history and tradition that are as fascinating as they are controversial. Waikaremoana is the footstool of the Ngati Ruapani section of Tahoe. This paper begins with a brief discussion of the landscape of Waikaremoana and its early tribal traditions. A systematic analysis ofthe social, political and economic effects of land alienation upon the tangata whenua of the Waikaremoana area is applied. The effects of Crown policies for Maori land, last century, and how the process was replicated throughout Aotearoa is assessed.

The signficance of the Treaty of Waitangi lies in the unique relationship which it established between Maori and the Crown, a relationship represented by the rangatiratanga sovereignty equation. Trusteeship IS a key component of the equation and implies a willingness by the Crown to honour Treaty obligations and a capacity to do so. As well it has implications for tribes undertaking to act on behalf of Maori beneficiaries. In exercising those responsibilities, and despite changes which have substantially altered Maori society, the focus remains on tribes, iwi and hapil, as the continuing manifestations ofrangatiratanga. There is a revived trend towards whakapapa as a marker of identity and the consolidation of land interests as a counter to individualism and weakening of kinship ties. Consultation between Treaty partners is a key issue but has not always been handled well, either by the Crown or even by Maori bodies whose influence is at a national rather than tribal level. Ngati Whatua interest in surplus Crown properties is an example of confused and inadequate consultation. But the relationship between rangatiratanga and the Crown is also susceptible to market forces, democratic processes, local government and the force of Jaw. Despite that, both the Waitangi Tribunal and the Courts have demonstrated an ability to enforce the principle of partnership and hence to actively intervene in the rangatiratanga sovereignty equation.

Although there is no single meaning oftino rangatiratanga, self determination is the most frequently used English equivalent. Even then a variety ofmeanings can be assumed. Two particular aspects oftino rangatiratanga, however, are relevant to contemporaryMaori society: mana whenua and mana tangata. The first acknowledges the rights ofhapii and iwi in respect oftheir own tribal affairs while the second recognises the right of Maori people generally to organise according to a range ofsocial and political groupings. Tino rangatiratanga is essentially about Maori policy being developed by Maori and Maori assuming responsibility for Maori affairs at tribal and national levels. But the absence of a national Maori bodypolitic which can bring together all elements is a barrier to the realisation of tino rangatiratanga. There is in fact aconsiderable enthusiasm for a representative policy-making body and a number of models exist. Discussion about the relative advantages is needed so that a consensus about the most useful approach can emerge. Negotiation with the Govemmentto reconsiderNew Zealand's constitutional arrangements will then be able to occur on the basis ofa unifiedMaori approach. In that debate the appropriateness of the dogma of unitary Crown sovereignty in apost-colonial environment will almost certainly be challenged.

This brief paper questions the nature of biculturalism that has developed in Aotearoa/New Zealand, namely that contested around a dualistic and antagonistic politics of either Maori or Pakeha. This paper joins a growing call for a reconceptualisation of bicultural politics in Aotearoa/New Zealand that draws on an inclusionary and multifaceted identity politics (Reilly, 1996; McClean, 1997; Spoonley, 1997). What is required is a revised approach that accounts for Maori/Pakeha relations where there are multiple subject-positions, affinities and differences continually at play through ongoing interaction and exchange. The paper argues the need for this conceptualisation to take place in an alternative space that blurs the limitations of boundaries and engenders new possibilities. I examine Homi Bhabha's notions of hybridity and the third space. I offer some introductory comment as to what these concepts might offer for a project concerned with the redesign of laws and institutions for a bicultural Aotearoa/New Zealand.

Maori aspirations for self-determination are tied to Article Two of the Treaty ofWaitangi which guarantees the tribes "the full and exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands Forests Fisheries and other properties so long as it is their desire to do so". Article Two provides the base with which to exercise control over economic resources which then provides the means, politically, culturally, economically and socially to determine Maori affairs. To have limited self-determining authority, Maori tribes need not only an economic base, but also an improved standing socio-economically. This paper will assess whether preferential policies based on redistributive justice are an appropriate means to help overcome inequalities between Maori and non-Maori.